International and Political Studies

HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT OVER MARITIME BORDERS IN THE DIAOYU / SENKAKU ARCHIPELAGO

V. V. Glebov, M. S. Pokas — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The issue of borders in historical, geographical and political contexts is one of the most important in the modern world, because in conditions of international political turbulence, the issue of settling border conflicts, especially those of a multilateral nature, takes on a key role in resolving interstate conflicts. The Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu in Chinese cartography) include five uninhabited islands and three reefs with a total area of about 6.32 square kilometers, located in the southern part of the East China Sea, 175 km north of Ishigaki Island, 190 km northeast of Taiwan Island and 420 km east of mainland China. The Senkaku Islands are controlled by Japan, and their ownership is disputed by the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China. Potentially, this border conflict could become a casus belli in the relations of the above-mentioned states. Considering the evolution of the border dispute between Japan and the PRC over the ownership of the Diaoyu/Senkaku archipelago, four main stages of the conflict can be distinguished. From the 14th century to the 1960s, due to the insignificance of the archipelago and the lack of a developed system of maritime law, the archipelago was not of particular interest and was not a stumbling block in Sino-Japanese relations. In the 1970s and 1980s, due to the discovery of hydrocarbon deposits in the region, the conflict developed, but did not take serious forms, since, on the one hand, the United States could not allow a conflict between allies within the framework of the confrontation with the USSR, on the other hand, Beijing did not have a real opportunity to establish control over the archipelago. In the 1990s and 2000s, after the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations, the conflict escalated again, however, unlike the previous period, the PRC gradually moved out of Washington's orbit of influence and the physical inability of the PRC to fight for the archipelago by force became a deterrent factor. In the 2010s, the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region changed significantly, and there was an attempt to form two alternative and competing systems of international security in the region, which led to a loss of security in the region as a whole. Because of this, China's behavior in this conflict is becoming increasingly aggressive.

CANADA’S PEACE-BUILDING ROLE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS OF THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN

S. R. Diug — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article is devoted to the study of Canada’s peacekeeping activities in the context of special relationships and modern challenges with the United States and Great Britain. Canada's historical and contemporary peacemaking efforts were examined, highlighting its impact on partnerships with the United States and Great Britain. Building on previous research on the 'special relationship', it establishes a new understanding of Canada's strategic engagement, offering a 'fresh perspective' on the role of mediator between these allies. At the same time, the unique status of this country as a “middle power” in maintaining peace and stability from the moment of the Suez crisis to the present is emphasized. Her role in the “special relationship” between the United States and Great Britain is often left out of direct recognition. The research covers a wide range of topics, including the historical roots of Canadian peacekeeping beginning with the Suez Crisis of 1956 and its evolution in the face of changing global threats. Also reviewed is the Elsie Initiative, which promotes increased gender diversity in peacekeeping operations in line with the other two countries' global security goals. Using a qualitative research method, the article traces how Canada’s commitment to multilateralism contributes to its international influence and the strengthening of tripartite cooperation within the framework of NATO and the UN. Through peacekeeping operations, the country consistently plays an important role in improving cooperation, promoting multilateralism and conflict resolution. The article is based on a qualitative analysis that includes historical research, policy review, and thematic analysis, allowing Canada’s peacekeeping contribution to be considered within the broader context of international relations. It is concluded that Canada is adapting its strategies to new global challenges, such as climate change and cyber threats, ensuring a balance between US military interests and UK diplomatic priorities. This strengthens its position in international structures and increases interoperability with key allies. This research provides valuable insights into Canada’s contemporary contribution to peacekeeping, its strategic adaptation to global change, and its potential to expand its impact through focused, innovative approaches to international diplomacy and security.

CHINA’S PROPAGANDA IN SOCIAL MEDIA: COVERT INFLUENCE TOOLS

O. Yu. Zaporozhets — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article is focused on the tools of China’s propaganda in social media. Based on the analysis and systematization of Western scientific articles and reports of research organizations, China’s approach to the use of covert influence tools for shaping public opinion on the Internet is highlighted. It is found out that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses online commentators’ teams and content farms to spread party propaganda on social media. The ordinary citizens, in particular students, government employees and nationalistic Internet users, are engaged as online commentators. Their activities are controlled and coordinated by CCP organizations. The task of online commentators is to flood social networks with progovernment narratives, to guide discussion of political topics in accordance with CCP views as well as to counter criticism of Chinese government. In terms of content, the key topics are Hong Kong, Taiwan, the United States, as well as crisis events that could undermine the authority and reputation of Chinese government. The online commentators massively spread identical content in different formats through many obviously fake accounts. The activities of Chinese online commentators are also characterized by a low level of targeting, situational and short-term effects, minimal audience reach and engagement, etc. More successful are the activities of content farms that spread a mixture of political and entertainment content through intermediaries and on various online platforms and can influence certain target audiences at local level. Given the number of online commentators’ teams and expansion of propaganda networks, Chinese authorities are interested in further developing and improving covert influence capabilities to shape public opinion on social media.

FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE IN THE SAHEL COUNTRIES: CONTEMPORARY ASPECT

D. K. Poble, D. O. Medynska — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The primary purpose of the study is to identify the peculiarities of the evolution of US and French foreign policy in the Sahel region from the 1990s to the present. The subject seems to be quite relevant because of its direct importance for understanding the current geopolitical processes in the Sahel region, which is one of the most complex and unstable regions in the world. Despite the availability of studies by both domestic and foreign authors that touch on various aspects of the foreign policy of the United States and France in the Sahel, a specialized, holistic scientific approach to the comprehensive study of their interaction in this region has not yet been formed. Given the growing terrorist threat, socio-economic problems, and international aggravations, such as Russia's war against Ukraine and the contradictions in the Gaza Strip, studying the actions of these global players is important for the international scientific community. The practical relevance lies in studying the foreign policy aspects of France and the United States in the Sahel region and using their experience to strengthen the position of Ukrainian diplomacy in the region. Two main methods were used to analyze the research subject, such as case and event analysis. Both methods made it possible to consider the key features of the problem and provide its abbreviated description. In this paper, an attempt was made to track the fluctuations in the foreign policy of the State Department and the Quai d'Orsay department associated with the permanent instability of this African region and the geopolitical challenges that shake our planet.

INSTRUMENTS AND MECHANISMS FOR IMPLEMENTING POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS IN THE UKRAINIAN SOCIO-POLITICAL SPACE (EXPERT SURVEY RESULTS)

Ya. M. Popovych, V. I. Marakin — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

Based on the expert survey results, the article identifies the most effective instruments and mechanisms for implementing political communications in the Ukrainian socio-political space. The leading trends in the implementation of new mechanisms and instruments for implementing political communications are considered: firstly, the dominance of certain forms of political communication in different countries depends on the model of democracy – representative, participatory, deliberative; secondly, the mechanisms and instruments of political communication in the participatory model of democracy are presented in all democratic countries, including Ukraine, but their effectiveness depends on the authorities taking into account the recommendations and proposals provided by citizens and civil society; thirdly, deliberative instruments of political communication are present in different models of the democratic process in the format of mini-publics; fourthly, among the areas of application of the online format of political communications, the following can be distinguished: development and implementation of e-government and e-democracy instruments; promotion of the image of political and political parties; use of social networks by citizens as a platform for political participation and discussion (deliberation). It has been determined that the main instruments for implementing political communications under martial law are online social media and classical media (television, press, radio). Deliberative instruments of political participation in the format of discussion and consensus decision-making on problematic socio-political issues in Ukrainian society have not become widespread or have not been used at all in practical terms.

TRADITIONS AND INNOVATIONS IN PARLIAMENTARISM: HOW ELECTIONS SHAPE PARLIAMENTARY STRUCTURES IN COUNTRIES WITH THE OLDEST PARLIAMENTS

Yu. S. Prokopenko — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

This article analyzes the evolution of parliamentary systems and electoral processes in countries with long-standing parliamentary traditions, including the United Kingdom, Denmark, Iceland, and the Bailiwick territories of Guernsey, Jersey, and the Isle of Man. These countries have unique parliamentary traditions that have largely been shaped over centuries. The article emphasizes how these systems have adapted to societal changes and how the structure and functions of their parliaments evolved over different historical periods. It examines the transition from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy, with the development of electoral systems, where the United Kingdom’s majoritarian system ensures stability through the dominance of two main parties, but limits the representation of smaller political forces. In contrast, the proportional systems used in Denmark and Iceland provide a more accurate reflection of voters' political preferences, facilitating fairer representation for smaller parties. The electoral systems in these countries employ various methods of distributing seats in parliament, including the D'Hondt and Sainte-Laguë methods, which contribute to a more proportional distribution of votes among political forces. In Iceland, corrective seats are allocated at the national level to compensate for potential inequalities between constituencies, while in Denmark, compensatory mandates are distributed within constituencies. The article also explores innovative initiatives, such as the introduction of electronic voting, which makes the electoral process more accessible and convenient for citizens, as well as campaigns aimed at engaging youth in the political process. Moreover, particular attention is given to the importance of maintaining democratic traditions in conjunction with modern technologies, allowing democratic institutions in various countries to remain stable. Overall, the article highlights the importance of balancing tradition and innovation to achieve fairer and more democratic representation in contemporary parliamentary processes.

THE HANSEAN UNION AS AN ANALOGUE TO THE EUROPEAN UNION

D. K. K. Pchelnikov — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The Hanseatic League, which existed from the 13th to the 17th centuries, was a unique phenomenon in medieval Europe, uniting city-states on the basis of common economic interests rather than political unity. Quickly realizing the advantages that individual industries could gain from joining forces, the Hanseatic League wasted no time in developing and establishing a commercial policy that led to a level of commercial prosperity never before seen (List, 1837, p. 19). Its functioning was based on the principles of mutual benefit, trade privileges, and collective protection, which in some ways resembles the modern European Union. The article examines the similarities between these two associations, in particular in the aspects of economic integration, freedom of trade, customs regulation, and collective decision-making mechanisms. At the same time, attention is focused on their fundamental differences, primarily in the degree of centralization and legal mechanisms of governance. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the reasons for the decline of the Hanseatic League, including the weakening of monopoly control over key trade routes, internal contradictions between the members of the union, and changes in the global economic structure. The strengthening of imperial power in Germany eventually led to the departure of many cities from the Hanseatic League – mainly Berlin and other duchies of Brandenburg – which left in the late 15th century, and by the end of the 16th century the Hanseatic League was already dying (Kouzelis, 2021, p. 192). Similar challenges can be traced in the modern European Union, which faces the problems of political fragmentation, the exit of individual states (Brexit), economic crises, and foreign policy challenges. In addition to a retrospective analysis, the article considers possible scenarios for the development of the European Union, taking into account the experience of the Hanseatic League. Will the EU be able to adapt to changes, taking into account historical lessons, or will its future repeat the fate of the Hanseatic League? An analysis of historical analogies and current trends allows us to make assumptions about potential transformations of the EU in the 21st century.

UKRAINE: THE AESTHETICS OF DECOLONIZATION TRANSFORMATIONS

O. Yu. Khoroshylov — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article is devoted to the study of cultural transformations within the process of decolonization in Ukraine. The object is political aesthetics, which is interpreted as a set of “cultural artifacts” – the results of engineering by political elites, artists, and civic activists who use art genres to overcome the consequences of the country's colonial past and define its modern cultural code. The methodology is based on the constructivist paradigm and involves the study of actor tactics and strategies in creating the cultural background of the Ukrainian political community, which combines both traditional and (post)modern subjects, styles, and genres. The study uses the procedures of urban ethnography, in particular, photo-fixation of cases of public creativity of Odesa citizens, with further interpretation as local components of the process of creating a new political aesthetics in the country. It is stated that the process of postcolonial “cultural production” in Ukraine is characterized by role deformations: before the outbreak of a large-scale war, political elites demonstrated passivity in overcoming the colonial past and stylistic “omnivorousness”. Therefore, the leadership status in the development of a new political aesthetics passed to artists and public activists, who became the main agents of cultural change. It is determined that the peculiarity of the political aesthetics of postcolonialism in Ukraine is the combination of primordial, modern, and postmodern cultural styles, plots, and narratives. The main «assembly point» of these diverse aesthetic layers is the formation of the cultural identity of the Ukrainian political nation as an integrative project based on stylistic identity and diversity. The necessity of creating a cultural image of the national community endowed with the parameters of interpretive clarity, originality, persuasiveness, and interest for internal (Ukrainian citizens) and external (international community) recipients is substantiated.

REPRESENTATION OF RUSSIA IN CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH-LANGUAGE STATE MEDIA OF ETHIOPIA

M. V. Yakovlyev, T. O. Sachenko — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

This article analyzes how Russia is presented in the Ethiopia's state-owned, English- language media after the beginning of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Based on textual data, the authors develop and analyze thematic categories of the representation of Russia in the Ethiopian media, with an emphasis on aspects of economy, religion and ideology, which were identified as key themes. The empirical basis of the study comprises publications from The Ethiopian Herald, owned by the Ethiopian News Agency (ENA – the oldest in the country, operating since 1935, and the most widespread with a network of 36 offices located throughout the country), and Walta Info, owned by Walta Media and Communication Corporate; both media companies are under government control and financed by the federal government of Ethiopia through the ruling “Prosperity Party”. News from all formats (including editorials, columns, etc.) were selected from news websites in which the word “Russia” and/or “Moscow”, “Putin”, “Terekhin” (Russian ambassador to Ethiopia and representative of the aggressor country to the African Union), “Soviet Union” or derivatives thereof were mentioned in the headline or in the text more than three times, for the period from February 24, 2022 to October 24, 2024, as a result of which 323 out of 1029 news publications from this timeframe were analyzed. The article found that the presentation of the image of Russia in the state media of Ethiopia for the period from February 24, 2022 to October 24, 2024 was almost exclusively positive: 73% of the analyzed publications present a positive image of Russia, 19% – neutral, and only 8% – negative. At the same time, the authors note that the share of news that presented Russia negatively and neutrally was highest between February and June 2022 – that is, there was a mostly neutral or negative presentation of Russia as the one that launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

THE US GEOSTRATEGY: EVOLUTION FROM THE “MANIFESTO OF DESTINY” TO THE “DONRO DOCTRINE”

D. S. Korotkov — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article analyzes the conditions for the formation of the American code of the messianic character of the American nation from Manifest Destiny to Make America Great Again. It is noted that US public opinion was shaped by Protestant dogmas and presented the world as an arena of struggle between “good” represented by Americans and evil represented by all those who disagree with the idea of messianism. A fundamental belief with messianic overtones made the United States expansionist from the very beginning, giving rise to the initial decision to become a continental giant that would eventually extend its messianic influence to the world. It is shown that after the Second World War, the status of the United States became that of a “superpower” and the term “Pax Americana” is used to describe the superiority of the American superpower. The article analyzes the creation of the Euro-Atlantic security system, which is now in crisis. The main reason for the US involvement in European integration was undoubtedly that American decision-makers – and their Western European counterparts – began to see it as a strategy of “order-building” that was necessary to address the Soviet threat. The victory of D. Trump is not just a simple change in the name of the new US President, it is a change in the country's foreign policy course, and after the new president's loud statements, a change in the global order. The era that began with Donald Trump's coming to power is called the “Donro Doctrine.” It is in line with the Monroe Doctrine, which has determined US leadership in the Western Hemisphere for almost 200 years. In the American press, Trump's claims to Canada, Greenland, and the Panama Canal are called the Donro Doctrine. The time for diplomacy of money and deals is coming.

CONCEPT OF PATRON-CLIENTELISM AS AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDY OF BILATERAL ASYMMETRIC RELATIONS BETWEEN COUNTRIES

V. O. Pashkov — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article is devoted to the analysis of the emergence and theoretical foundations of the patron-client concept as a new analytical tool for studying cooperation between states in the framework of asymmetric bilateral relations. The process and conditions of the rapid transfer of the patron-client model from anthropological research to a wide range of social sciences, including its adaptation to the needs of Western political science, are highlighted. In a broad sense, patron-client relationships are understood as a broad-based patronage by a powerful actor in exchange for the support and services of a weaker actor. At the same time, it is emphasized that the variability of these asymmetrical relationships is not so much rooted in the relations between the actors themselves, but in the socio-political context. The ideas and views of the American political scientists K. Carney, J. Spanier and K. Shoemaker, who laid the conceptual foundations for the application of the concept of patron-client relations to the study of international relations and world politics, are considered. It is emphasized that the driving force behind the formation of patron-client relations between two states is their significant asymmetry in military capabilities, which encourages the secondary state to see a potential patron as a provider of security. The article specifies four criteria proposed by C. Carney for determining interstate patronage relations – asymmetry, reciprocity, commitment, compliance, among which reciprocity and commitment are the elements that make these relations similar to friendly ones. The author of the article outlines three areas of international political studies where the concept of patron-clientelism is currently used: 1) great power patronage over medium and small states; 2) separatist conflicts; 3) state patronage over insurgent and political groups. The author also identifies promising aspects of theoretical research in this area.

THE MYTH OF AMERICAN CHOSENNESS IN HISTORIOGRAPHY: AN ANALYSIS OF ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL IDENTITY AND FOREIGN POLICY

M. O. Petrakov — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article explores the myth of America's divine chosenness, which has become a key element in shaping the national identity of the United States. This myth originated in colonial times when Puritans began to see themselves as a people chosen by God to fulfill a divine mission in the New World. From John Winthrop, who proclaimed the idea of the U.S. as a “city upon a hill”, to the messianic internationalists of the 20th century, such as Woodrow Wilson, the concept of American exceptionalism became the foundation for political decisions justifying territorial expansion, expansionism, and aggressive foreign policy. Through the doctrine of Manifest Destiny, the U.S. came to see itself as a moral leader tasked with spreading democracy and freedom worldwide. The myth of divine chosenness had a significant influence on American politics, expressed in numerous military conflicts and political decisions aimed at expanding American influence. However, with the rise of imperialism and after numerous critical remarks about such policies, the myth began to be subject to internal criticism, especially due to its justification of violence and human rights violations. In the 20th century, the idea of divine chosenness merged with the concept of American exceptionalism, which became an important part of the country's political culture. Trump revived the slogan “Make America Great Again” in his political campaign, serving as an example of the re-emergence of this idea in modern politics. The myth of American exceptionalism and divine chosenness also became the basis for foreign policy decisions, particularly during the Cold War, when the U.S. saw itself as the defender of liberal democracy in the world. Despite criticism, the myth of divine chosenness remains an essential part of American political identity, continuing to shape the strategic and moral foundations of the nation.

W. CHURCHILL’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES

M. O. Sereda — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article deals with the W. Churchill’s view on the European integration regarding his main political speeches, mainly in Zurich and in The Hague, his ideas about the League of Nations and the further United Nations. The author highlights the evolution of the politician's views on the concept of European integration based on the analysis of W. Churchill’s speeches. The interconnection of the new integration structure with the creation of the United Nations has been traced. The author analyses Winston Churchill's vision of European integration through the prism of the British foreign policy concept of ‘three majestic circles’. At the same time, it has been found that the politician's adherence to Britain's imperial position prevented him from objectively assessing the importance of the future organization. His participation in the process of uniting Europe in its early stages provides us with essential information about the original plans for the creation of a united Europe. His priority opinion was to see joint institutions only as forums, not as permanent bodies with clearly defined powers. In the article the main reasons for Winston Churchill's refusal to join the European Coal and Steel Community, but instead approving the initiative to create the European Free Trade Association, are revealed. It has been elucidated the official's position on the UK's participation in the Council of Europe and his views on the structure of the organization. It has been revealed that the politician's views on European integration were based primarily on national interests. Winston Churchill believed that the UK's participation in various regional organizations was possible only on the basis of cooperation, including trade, but not political integration. One of the key positions has been also given to the European collective security system, in which NATO was seen as the centre of the European defence system. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the systematic and comprehensive study of the evolution of W. Churchill's views on integration processes in Europe in the period after the Second World War.

THE IMPACT OF DISINFORMATION ON SOCIETY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Farid Gasimov — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The article examines modern approaches to disinformation, which has become a key element of hybrid warfare, including the use of algorithms, deep learning technologies, and social media on various platforms. It also presents the mechanisms of disinformation's impact on society and its consequences, as well as the impact of disinformation on international relations. Methods for analyzing these phenomena are discussed and strategies for countering them at the state and societal levels are proposed. Special attention is paid to the role of social platforms in spreading fake news, the influence of bots and trolls on public opinion, and methods of creating and disseminating disinformation campaigns. The authors analyze how digital technologies can manipulate users' emotions, create alternative realities, and undermine trust in traditional media. In addition, specific examples of information operations aimed at discrediting political leaders, destabilizing the economy, and increasing the polarization of society are examined. It also emphasizes the importance of digital literacy, the development of critical thinking and the creation of independent mechanisms for verifying information. Great importance is given to the problem of “information noise” – a huge amount of data among which it is difficult to distinguish truthful information from manipulative messages. The methods used by various states and corporations to control information flows are considered, as well as the threats associated with censorship and restriction of freedom of speech. The conclusion suggests possible ways to protect against misinformation, including legislative initiatives, international cooperation, and the development of technology to detect fake data. It also discusses the role of artificial intelligence and machine learning in combating the spread of false information, as well as the prospects for creating automated fact-checking systems.

GEOPOLITICAL CONFLICTS: ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

I. V. Zherebiatnikova, O. V. Kravchenko, A. V. Gorbachov — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

In today's world, geopolitical conflicts are taking on new forms and scales, posing serious challenges to international stability and security. Globalisation, changes in the distribution of power between countries, and new types of threats, such as cyberterrorism and transnational terrorism, significantly complicate conflict resolution processes. Therefore, it is important to study the key factors that contribute to the emergence of conflicts and the effectiveness of international organisations and diplomatic mechanisms in resolving them. The study's purpose is to analyse the causes and factors of geopolitical conflicts in the current environment, assess the role of international organisations and diplomatic mechanisms in their settlement, and develop recommendations for improving the effectiveness of international security cooperation. To achieve this goal, the systematic approach, comparison, analysis, and synthesis were used. The systematic approach allowed for the study of geopolitical conflicts as complex multilevel phenomena that include political, economic, and social aspects. The comparative method allowed for the comparison of different conflicts and the assessment of the effectiveness of mechanisms for their resolution. The study found that the leading causes of geopolitical conflicts are competition for resources, uneven distribution of global power, and internal political and social crises in individual countries. The role of international organisations in conflict resolution is significant, but several limitations exist, including political differences between states and insufficient speed of decision-making. An analysis of current approaches to peaceful settlement has shown a lack of integrated strategies, insufficient participation of civil society and business in peacekeeping processes, and weak preventive diplomacy. Based on the results obtained, recommendations were formulated to improve the effectiveness of international security cooperation. Comprehensive strategies that integrate military, economic, social, and humanitarian approaches, new operational mechanisms for responding to modern threats, intensification of cooperation between states and nonstate actors, and strengthening of the role of humanitarian organisations are proposed.

POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE POST-COMMUNIST COUNTRIES OF THE WESTERN BALKANS AFTER 2008

I. O. Ilchenko — Tue, 22 Apr 2025 00:00:00 +0300

The countries of the Western Balkans (WB) from a geographical point of view are Albania, Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and the partially recognized Republic of Kosovo, but in the scientific literature it is called those Balkan countries that are not members of the EU. The article selects three cases for study – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia, which provide an idea of the differences between individual countries, but also of the common features of The Western Balkans Region. The aim of the research is to identify the results of the political transformation of the Western Balkans countries after 2008, the year of the global economic crisis which had large-scale consequences for all aspects of the socio-political life of the states of the region. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the process of forming a government both at the national level and at the entity level was delayed due to the dominance of populists in the country's political field, the most influential of whom was Milorad Dodik. Dodik does not want to lose the support of Moscow, a significant factor in his electoral successes, not to mention his main sponsor, so he is playing on the geopolitical rivalry of the great powers. In Macedonia, disagreements between parliamentary parties and ethnic groups can at any time again turn into demonstrations and pogroms, as was the case in 2015 and 2016. The political situation that has developed in the country shows that the Ohrid Agreement of 2001 was far from ideal and could not finally resolve the conflict. Moreover, the provision of the Ohrid Agreement, which provided for the training of thousands of Albanian police officers in the north of the country, rather contributed to the emergence of open hostilities, rather than the settlement of the conflict. The parliamentary crisis of 2016, which led to street demonstrations and the change of the prime minister, was also a strong blow to the country. It follows that the established principle of “proportional representation” and the right of “veto” for the minority in ethnic issues did not help stabilize the parliamentary institution. The Islamic factor plays a significant role in the political life of Albania. On the one hand, the country declares its desire to become a full member of NATO, to integrate into the European space; on the other hand, Albania is the first European country to receive full status in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Part of the political elite believes that the Islamic factor in Albanian politics can create serious difficulties in cooperation with Euro-Atlantic partners. Thus, all three countries of the Western Balkans have passed only the first stage of the reform process. The tasks of the second stage will be the formation of a strong civil society, a two-party political system, judicial independence, public control over new media.